Arabists

Since the Second World War, the U.S. Foreign Service has benefited from the extraordinary area expertise and professionalism of a cadre of officers, often referred to as “Arabists,” serving in the countries of the Near East within the region of the State Department’s Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs (NEA).  Informed by deep knowledge of the history, politics and culture of the Arab world and often highly fluent in the Arabic language, their insights and cross-cultural skills have served as a rich resource for American diplomacy. 

Valuable though their reports from the field have been, the Arabists as a group have also been charged with “clientitis” – being too sympathetic to the views of their subjects – especially when their interlocutors represent despotic regimes, espouse extreme versions of Islam or express virulent anti-American or anti-Israel views.  Like the FSO “China hands” of World War II who described the growing strength of the Chinese Communists, the Arabists, while seeking to promote the national interests of the United States, have on occasion fallen prey to U.S. domestic political forces beyond their control – tainted by their reporting of unwelcome messages, by a popular image of elitist fascination with exotic and dangerous cultures, and by favoring policies out of favor in Washington.

Who Are the Arabists?

The term “Arabist” has been applied to two different groups of Foreign Service Officers: the wide group of FSOs very familiar with the Arab world because of previous service in the region and the narrower cohort within that group made up of true Arab world specialists, usually with a strong command of Arabic.  Whichever definition is applied, one can argue that FSO Arabists generally have a nuanced understanding of the worldview, motivations and concerns of the Arabs (“Arabs” being defined as those peoples whose mother tongue is Arabic).  In addition, Arabists have a notably strong recognition of the economic, strategic and political benefits of good U.S.-Arab relations.      

Although “Arabist” essentially refers to a person knowledgeable about Arabs, at times it has taken on a pejorative cast.  Former Assistant Secretary of State for NEA Richard Murphy once said that, to many people, the term was taken to mean “he who intellectually sleeps with Arabs” (quoted in Kaplan, The Arabists, p. 7).  Some use it in an accusatory sense, to imply that the person, if not actually anti-Jewish or anti-Israel, is prone to take “the Arab side” on contentious Middle East issues involving Israel. 

Some of the prominent Arabists grew up in the Middle East, born into families associated with the American University of Beirut or the American University in Cairo.  Others became fascinated with the region and gained language skills early in their academic and professional lives.  A few have taken a deep scholarly interest in the arts and literature of the Arab world, or in the various forms of Islam, especially Sufism.  Most have concentrated their attention on the languages, history and politics of the region.  Quite a number of Arabists are also proficient in the languages of other Muslim-majority countries of the region, such as Turkish, Farsi, Dari and Urdu, and not a few are as equally at home in Hebrew as in Arabic.

Like the China hands, many of whom also had missionary parents, the Arabists have over the decades tended to look for ways to improve U.S. ties with countries in the Arab world.  They have been at the forefront of efforts to use diplomatic, foreign assistance and other U.S. assets to promote economic cooperation, establish and strengthen bilateral exchanges of all kinds, and encourage publication of scholarly books and articles on the region.  Many of the Arabists have been frequent contributors to the Foreign Service Journal and other publications over the years.

Arabists generally have enjoyed the intellectual and professional rewards of working in a region where political and other challenges to U.S. interests are often intense and many people see the world differently from the Western view.  But Arabists have often been stigmatized in the United States for alleged bias, a charge they resent and reject.  Also, in recent years they have had to face the greater security concerns affecting all Americans who live and travel in that region.

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Arabists and Israel

Given the intense and volatile nature of relations between Israel and its neighbors, as well as the dynamics of U.S. domestic politics, it was perhaps inevitable that officers dedicated to understanding and reporting on a region, culture and religion unfamiliar to most Americans, even leaders in Washington, would be open to charges of lacking equal “understanding” and sympathy for Israel.  However, Arabists then and now contend that they, perhaps more than others, appreciate the complexities and pervasiveness of the Palestinian Arab/Israeli conflict on U.S. relations with and policies toward the Middle East.  While recognizing the legitimate security needs of Israel, they advocate an equitable settlement of that conflict.

Charges of Arabist bias gained currency when details became known of anti-Jewish attitudes within the State Department during the 1930s, of hard-nosed application of U.S. policies on visas for Jews seeking to flee Hitler’s tyranny and of adamant opposition to U.S. support for the state of Israel (with President Harry Truman overriding Secretary of State George Marshall and his other senior diplomatic advisors in 1948 to make the United States the first nation to recognize that country). 

Loy Henderson, known since as “Mr. Foreign Service” (and one of the “Examples of Excellence” featured on this website), was ambassador to Iraq from 1943 to 1945 and then until 1948 served as head of the Division of Near Eastern Affairs.   Though he did not speak Arabic and had earlier been considered a specialist on the Soviet Union, Henderson was one of the Department’s early “Near East specialists.”  Prone throughout his career to view all foreign policy concerns through the optic of U.S.-Soviet relations, he was one of the most outspoken advocates of a policy posture of holding Israel at arms length (if not to “strangle it in its crib,” as he was alleged to favor), while maintaining good relations with the strategically important and oil-rich Islamic nations of the Middle East.  In addition to concerns that a warm embrace of Israel would open up opportunities for the Soviet Union to expand its influence, Henderson also expressed deep anxiety that such a posture would produce a militant anti-American body of disgruntled Muslims, particularly from the Palestinian community displaced by the Israelis.

In those early days, however, most Americans paid little attention to the details of developments in the Middle East.  Then, during the 1950s and 1960s, as it became clear that the Arab-Israeli conflict was not only continuing but intensifying, the American public, and especially the U.S. Congress, became more involved in U.S. Middle East policy.  They began to pay more attention to what they perceived as advice by State Department Arabists serving in Washington and at embassies abroad. 

Although many Arabs regarded the U.S. posture toward Israel and its neighbors as even-handed on occasions, such as the Suez Crisis of 1956, the Arab public and governments became increasingly critical of Washington’s policies.  As U.S.-Israel relations became much more intimate after the Israeli victory in the Six Day War of 1967, ultimately evolving into a de facto alliance, Arabists reporting this trend sometimes felt that their warnings about the dangers to U.S. interests of growing Arab hostility were being ignored. 

The Arabists’ objectivity, moreover, has been questioned by those (in Congress and elsewhere) who have felt that they were too ready to explain the thinking and actions of Arab governments (or spokespersons from the Palestinian community) and too harsh in their judgments of Israeli thinking and actions.

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Responses to The Arabists

Few have charged the Arabists with lack of patriotism, willful deviation from U.S. policy or anti-Jewish sentiments.  However, grist for such allegations was given wide airing in Robert Kaplan’s The Arabists: The Romance of an American Elite (1993) and his December 1992 article in The Atlantic Monthly titled “Tales from the Bazaar.”

Despite the sympathetic treatment of several Arabist FSOs (particularly Hume Horan), many of them found Kaplan’s book offensive.  They took particular umbrage at what they saw as mischaracterizations of contemporary events and personalities, notably his depiction of U.S. Ambassador to Iraq April Glaspie’s role in the period immediately before that country’s 1990 invasion of Kuwait.  Reflecting such views, former ambassador (to Algeria, Lebanon and Morocco) Richard Parker said that Kaplan’s account rested in part on “errors of fact and on misperception” and that he had propagated a myth that “a New England WASP elite that was emotionally involved with the Arabs dominated Middle East policy for thirty years after World War II.” (The Journal of Palestine Studies, Autumn 1994).

Charles William Maynes (former Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs), referring to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, spoke of Kaplan’s “attempt to blame a few area specialists for a failure in U.S. policy that was approved at the highest levels and that reflected the geopolitical view of senior officers in charge of U.S. policy at the time.” (Washington Monthly, October 1993). 

In contrast to these views, Daniel Pipes criticized FSO Arabists in language even stronger than that used by Kaplan:  “Bound up in their own small world, Arabists lacked the imagination to understand either the United States or American interests abroad…. [M]ost of all they hated Israelis, whom they blamed as much for spoiling their century-old idyll as for the Palestinians’ plight …. As you might expect, Arabists compiled a disastrous record of making policy…. Carrying old grudges, they refused to see Israel’s value to the United States.  On occasion, they even took the Arab side against their own government ”  (The Wall Street Journal, September 16, 1993).

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How the Arabists Have Been Treated

As professional U.S. diplomats, the Arabists have been expected to report conversations and events as objectively as they can, and to offer policy suggestions appropriate for dealing with the realities they encounter.  As the Pipes quote above demonstrates, such behavior has not always been welcome, but Arabists have risen to their own defense.  In the 1980s, the Foreign Service Journal published articles by FSOs who felt unfairly questioned about their objectivity and service discipline and who resented being blamed for “driving” unsuccessful policies toward the Middle East. 

In his oral history interview in 2000 the late Hume Horan offered these observations:

“To those that see Arabists as ‘soft’ on Arabs, I ask, ‘What do they think we are? A bunch of idiot masochists?  Begging to be blown up again?  All this pain and vituperation is supposed to make us pro-Arab?  I mean, give me a break!’  To our critics, I’d say, ‘We are professionals.  We are like oncologists.  You don't like cancer, but you deal with cancer.  You don't like Arab radicalism, but it is there and you have got to deal with it. You don’t call your doctor a cancer-lover when he has to bring you the bad news.’

“I was never pro-Arab, or anti-Arab. But through Arabic, I was able enough to appreciate the good aspects of Arab civilization - so that the tawdry present did not sour me toward my hosts…like most Arabists, I saw myself as being only pro-American.  ‘My country right or wrong...but always my country.’  Does that sound too melodramatic?”

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Contemporary Arabists

Conditions for the current crop of State Department Arabists are somewhat different than in the past.  Unlike in some earlier years, these professional diplomats find that being known as an Arabist is neither a badge of honor nor a valuable, career-enhancing credential.  Many regional specialists work to develop ties to other regional bureaus, or at least to add Hebrew fluency and service in Israel to their resumes.  Some latter-day Arab world specialists have held high positions on both sides of the Arab-Israeli divide.  For example, Daniel Kurtzer – like Edward Walker (former president of the Middle East Institute) before him – served as U.S. ambassador in both Egypt and Israel, and Edward Djerejian was ambassador to both Syria and Israel. 

Among the new challenges is that heightened concern with personal security militates against the comfortable interchanges with local nationals that Arabists of previous years found essential in understanding on-the-ground conditions and attitudes.  Another change is that today, many State Department officers feel further and further removed from the center of Middle East policy-making, which is tightly controlled by the White House. 

Although events in the Middle East have raised interest in and awareness of the region, misinformation about Arabs still abounds in the American public dialogue.  The fact that all of the 9/11 hijackers/terrorists were Arabs has created new stereotypes and led many Americans to reach simplistic conclusions about the Arab people.  Currently serving and retired Arabists of the Foreign Service, rejecting facile generalizations because they see a much more complex picture, remain a valuable source of expert information and insight into a region central to U.S. security interests of the 21st century.

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Arabist Oral Histories

Following are names of some of the retired or deceased Arabist FSOs whose oral histories can be obtained from the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training (ADST):

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pdfCurtis F. Jones, “The Education of an Arabist,” Foreign Service Journal, December 1982

bookKaplan, Robert.  The Arabists: The Romance of an American Elite.  New York: The Free Press, 1993.

bookRugh, William A.  American Encounters with Arabs: The "Soft Power" of U.S. Public Diplomacy in the Middle East.  Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing, 2005.

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